Sunday, April 28, 2024

The Truth Clinic: Understanding Lincoln’s political views on blacks and slavery

By James Breedlove

History has been kind to Abraham Lincoln.  He has been consistently ranked by academia, the media, and the public as one of the greatest U.S. presidents; an equal of George Washington and Franklin D. Roosevelt in exercising political finesse and safe guarding democracy and liberty.

Steven Spielberg’s two hour historical movie, Lincoln, will most likely add to the myth of Lincoln the president and Lincoln the man.  Lincoln was controversial before he became president and even more so after assuming the office.  There was great contradiction between his words and deeds on many issues but none greater than slavery or the equality of blacks.

Neither a single historical reference book nor movie can embrace the full complexity of Lincoln or his impact on American history. However, a good starting point in the search for understanding is to study Lincoln’s own words as documented in his writings and speeches.

Joseph E. Fallon’s. Lincoln Uncensored provides an indexed compilation of material from the collected works of Lincoln dissected into 20 subjects such as slavery, equality of blacks and Mexicans, the Emancipation Proclamation, the union, war powers, democratic government, God’s responsibility for the war, and more. Each section includes background information on the issues being discussed.  Editorial constraints limit me to just a few examples.

Consider Lincolns attitude toward blacks. He repeatedly denounced any equality of blacks and whites.

“Free them [blacks], and make them politically and socially, our equals?  My own feelings will not admit of this… We cannot then make them equals…” Lincoln’s Speech at Peoria, Illinois, in Reply to Senator Stephen A. Douglas, October 16, 1854.

“I am not nor ever have been in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people; and I will say in addition to this that there is a physical difference between the white and black races which I believe will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality.” Lincoln’s Opening Speech at the Fourth Debate with Senator Stephen A. Douglas at Charleston, Illinois, September 18, 1858. (Collected Works, Vol. III, pp. 145, 146)

Lincoln did not go to war to free the slaves. He was never a dedicated abolitionist. The Emancipation Proclamation was issued as a war measure, without legal standing, in which Lincoln declared freedom only for those slaves in the “foreign country” of the Confederate States. Slaves in the United States were to remain in bondage.

“I view the matter [Emancipation Proclamation] as a practical war measure, to be decided upon according to the advantages or disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion.” Lincoln’s Reply to Emancipation Memorial Presented by Chicago Christians of All Denominations, September 13, 1862. (Collected Works, Vol. V, p. 421)

“This [emancipation] plan is recommended as a means, not in exclusion of, but additional to, all others for restoring and preserving the national authority throughout the Union.” Lincoln’s Annual Message to Congress, December 1, 1862. (Collected Works, Vol. V, p. 536)

Lincoln’s Solution to the Race Problem was to remove all blacks from the United States and resettle them in Africa, the Caribbean or Central America. He stated his case directly to a group of blacks during a meeting at the White House.

“The aspiration of men is to enjoy equality with the best when free, but on this broad continent, not a single man of your race is made the equal of a single man of ours… It is better for us both, therefore, to be separated.” Lincoln’s Address on Colonization to a Deputation of Negroes at the White House, August 14, 1862. (Collected Works, Vol. V, p. 372)

“You and we are different races. We have between us a broader difference than exists between almost any other two races. Whether it is right or wrong I need not discuss, but this physical difference is a great disadvantage to us both, as I think your race suffers very greatly, many of them by living among us, while ours suffer from your presence.  In a word we suffer on each side. If this is admitted, it affords a reason at least why we should be separated.” Lincoln’s Address on Colonization to a Deputation of Negroes at the White House, August 14, 1862. (Collected Works, Vol. V, p. 371)

“The practical thing I want to ascertain is whether I can get a number of able-bodied men, with their wives and children, who are willing to go, when I present evidence of encouragement and protection. Could I get a hundred tolerably intelligent men, with their wives and children, to ‘cut their own fodder’, so to speak? Can I have fifty? If I could find twenty-five able-bodied men, with a mixture of women and children, good things in the family relations, I think I could make a successful commencement.” Lincoln’s Address on Colonization to a Deputation of Negroes at the White House, August 14, 1862. (Collected Works, Vol. V, p. 375)

“These are subjects of very great importance, worthy of a month’s study, instead of a speech delivered in an hour. I ask you then to consider seriously not pertaining to yourselves merely, nor for your race, and ours, for the present time, but as one of the things, if successfully managed, for the good of mankind.  Lincoln’s Address on Colonization to a Deputation of Negroes at the White House, August 14, 1862. (Collected Works, Vol. V, p. 375)

“I cannot make it better known than it already is that I strongly favor colonization [of blacks to lands outside the United States.]” Lincoln’s Annual Message to Congress, December 1, 1862. (Collected Works, Vol. V, p. 534)

Fallon concludes that Lincoln was not America’s messiah. The quotations cited in the book reveal Lincoln the man, as opposed to Lincoln the myth.  He is a demagogue not a democrat, an opportunist not an idealist, an enemy not a champion of civil rights. Until this is publicly acknowledged constitutional government and the rule of law in the United States will always be in peril. As the history of the United States from Andrew Johnson to Barack Obama attests, a plausible pretext is all that is required, and one has always been found, for a president to suppress civil liberties, violate the Constitution, contravene international law, ignore the courts, or disregard the Congress, citing the precedents of Lincoln the man and justifying them by appealing to Lincoln the myth.

Study Lincoln’s words and form your own conclusion: Was the abolishment of slavery a moral imperative or simply another validation that “interest convergence” is the fuel that drives social and political change?

Comments or opinions may be sent to the writer at: jaydubub@swbell.net.

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